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Homecare Providers of the USA Disabled & The Retired We will prevail against the Corporate Cartel; we have the numbers to make them BALK; we're too big t

Progressive Ideas for change fighting for equality for seniors and the disabled.

* Introduction: Progress Has a Price* Artificial intelligence is often presented as if it arrived without history, owner...
10/05/2026

* Introduction: Progress Has a Price

* Artificial intelligence is often presented as if it arrived without history, ownership, labor, or cost. A company demonstrates a machine that can write, draw, translate, predict, and answer questions. The public sees speed and convenience. Behind that screen are workers who label data, authors and artists whose work may have entered training collections, communities supplying electricity and water, and families wondering whether their jobs will exist five years from now.

* This book is not an argument against invention. Technology can help doctors recognize patterns, give disabled people new tools, translate information, improve scientific research, and remove dangerous or repetitive tasks. The central question is not whether artificial intelligence can be useful. It is who controls it, who receives the benefits, who carries the risks, and whether ordinary people have a meaningful voice in the decisions.

* The word cost means more than money. There is the cost of a lost job, a lower wage, a false accusation, a private record exposed, a student taught by a shortcut instead of a professional, or a community asked to support another power-hungry data center. There is also the democratic cost when a small number of corporations possess the systems that organize information, shape attention, and influence public choices.
Predictions about AI should be treated carefully. Exposure to automation does not equal immediate unemployment, and a technical capability does not guarantee adoption. Employers, workers, laws, markets, and public institutions all shape outcomes. Yet uncertainty is not an excuse for passivity. The time to establish protections is before harmful practices become normal and difficult to reverse.

* My purpose is to make the hidden visible. The future should not be designed only by executives, investors, engineers, and military planners. Teachers, nurses, writers, drivers, clerks, tradespeople, parents, students, small businesses, and local communities also have knowledge that belongs in the discussion. Artificial intelligence must serve human dignity rather than reduce human beings to data points.

Read my book on Kindle: https://www.amazon.com/stores/author/B0HJ3N6VXC?ingress=0...* Introduction: A Long Civil Rights ...
10/04/2026

Read my book on Kindle:
https://www.amazon.com/stores/author/B0HJ3N6VXC?ingress=0...
* Introduction: A Long Civil Rights Movement
* The Chicano Movement did not begin in 1968. It did not begin with a march, a boycott, or a walkout. By the time students poured out of East Los Angeles high schools and farmworkers carried the banner of the Virgin of Guadalupe up the long road to Sacramento, Mexican American families had already spent more than a century fighting for the same things: the land beneath their feet, a fair wage for their labor, a seat in the classroom, a place in the jury box, and the simple assurance that the law would treat them as human beings.
* This book tells that longer story. It begins with conquest, with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and the slow, legal stripping of land that followed it. It moves through the Mexican Revolution, which sent hundreds of thousands north, and through the racial terror that met many of them in Texas and California. It follows Mexican workers onto the railroads, into the copper mines and steel mills, and down the long rows of cotton, lettuce, and grapes that fed the country. It follows their sons into every American war of the twentieth century, and it asks what that service bought them when they came home.
* Then it turns to the reckonings. In the 1930s, as many as a million people of Mexican descent were pushed, pressured, or shipped out of the United States, and by one leading estimate a majority of them were American citizens. In 1942, the government imprisoned Japanese Americans by the tens of thousands because of their ancestry, and in that same year Los Angeles police rounded up hundreds of young Mexican Americans after a single death at a ranch reservoir called Sleepy Lagoon. In 1943, sailors and soldiers hunted Mexican American youths through the streets of Los Angeles while police watched. Each of these events answered the same question: what happens when ancestry is allowed to stand in for evidence?
* The answer, again and again, was organization. Families hired lawyers and won. In Mendez v. Westminster, parents in Orange County broke school segregation in California seven years before Brown v. Board of Education. In Hernandez v. Texas, Mexican American lawyers convinced a unanimous Supreme Court that the Fourteenth Amendment protected their people too. Veterans built the American G.I. Forum. Organizers in Boyle Heights built the Community Service Organization, which trained a young César Chávez and a young Dolores Huerta. Filipino farmworkers walked out of the Delano vineyards in 1965, and Mexican American workers joined them. In 1968, thousands of East Los Angeles students walked out of their schools. In 1970, tens of thousands marched against a war that was killing their brothers at a rate far above their share of the population, and the day ended with the journalist Rubén Salazar dead on the floor of a café on Whittier Boulevard.
* The story is not only Mexican American, and it cannot be told that way. The incarceration of Japanese Americans shows how quickly wartime fear can erase a community’s liberty. The Black freedom movement, led by Martin Luther King Jr. and thousands of others whose names never made the papers, rewrote federal law and opened the road that Chicano activists would travel. Filipino workers started the grape strike that made Chávez famous. These histories belong in the same conversation because they happened in the same country, often in the same neighborhoods, under the same laws.
This is also a family history. My great-grandfather fought at Zacatecas in 1914. My father’s family was swept out of Los Angeles during the Depression, though my father was born an American citizen. My grandmother washed linens for thirty-three years. My sister Gloria and my brother Victor, whom everyone in the neighborhood called Riley, were students at Roosevelt High School when the walkouts began. Their stories appear throughout this book alongside the documented record. They are not offered as proof of the larger history; they are offered as evidence that the larger history happened to real people.
* A Note on Words
* Words carry history. Mexican American describes people of Mexican descent living in the United States, whether born here or not. Chicano and Chicana were once working-class slang, sometimes used as an insult. In the 1960s, a generation seized the word and turned it into a declaration of pride, political independence, and refusal to assimilate on someone else’s terms. Hispanic and Latino are broader labels that include people from across Latin America and the Caribbean. This book uses each term where it fits the time and the people being described.
* The book uses Japanese American incarceration for the forced removal and imprisonment that followed Executive Order 9066. The government of the time called it “evacuation,” “relocation,” and “internment.” Those words were designed to soften what happened. They appear here only when the historical record requires them. See less

**Working People Deserve More Than Survival**They build our homes, care for our families, stock our shelves, and keep th...
10/02/2026

**Working People Deserve More Than Survival**

They build our homes, care for our families, stock our shelves, and keep this country running. Yet too many workers come home exhausted and sit at the kitchen table deciding which bill can wait. Rent. Groceries. Medicine. Another paycheck already spent.

Hard work should pay enough to live with dignity. Workers deserve fair wages, safe workplaces, affordable housing, healthcare, and the right to organize. Wealthy investors and corporations must contribute their fair share to the country that makes their success possible.

That is the demand behind *Tax the Wealthy Like Everyone Else*, by Armando Oscar Olmos and Maria Teresa Zambrano Rivera. Working families need a government willing to stand with them—and act.

**No one should spend a lifetime working only to remain one emergency away from losing everything.**



https://www.amazon.com/stores/author/B0HJ3N6VXC?ingress=0&visitId=ae7a7d76-2283-4606-805d-28d3035a42ec&ref_=aufs_ap_ahdr_dsk_aa&ccs_id=c4137292-c504-407a-a9e8-4bd640d5524f

For decades, fossil-fuel corporations have benefited from tax advantages, government subsidies, access to public lands, ...
09/22/2026

For decades, fossil-fuel corporations have benefited from tax advantages, government subsidies, access to public lands, and policies that transfer private risks to the public. Subsidies, War, and the American Taxpayer follows this flow of money and explains how taxpayers are frequently left paying for pollution, abandoned wells, environmental cleanup, damaged infrastructure, military protection, and corporate disasters.
The book also examines the growing human and financial costs of climate change. More destructive fires, floods, droughts, hurricanes, extreme heat, and other disasters are damaging communities, raising insurance costs, and forcing governments to spend billions of public dollars on emergency response and rebuilding.
Armando Oscar Olmos and Maria Teresa Zambrano Rivera present a fifteen-year transition plan to reduce fossil-fuel consumption by approximately 60 to 70 percent while protecting workers and energy-producing communities. The plan supports batteries, wind and solar power, a modern electrical grid, cleaner vehicles, hybrid machinery, and new technologies for trucks, heavy equipment, and aviation—creating a cleaner economy built around public accountability, reliable energy, and human survival.

Note: “Subscribe,” or “Share this post.” Avoid placing all three in the same post. Your personal story as a Mexican American civil-rights author gives the campaign a distinctive voice—use it regularly. ebooks 3 volumes at $5.99 each on Amazon books, and kindle.

https://www.amazon.com/author/armandooscarolmos

https://written.app/profile/me/published-books

https://armandooscarolmos.substack.com/publish/home

A democracy cannot remain healthy when extraordinary wealth becomes extraordinary political power.Our *Billionaires Inc....
09/22/2026

A democracy cannot remain healthy when extraordinary wealth becomes extraordinary political power.

Our *Billionaires Inc.* book series examines how a small group of extremely wealthy individuals and corporations gained enormous influence over American politics, the economy, the media, public policy, and everyday life. These books ask a fundamental question: What happens when billionaires possess more power than millions of working people combined?

For more than four decades, working families have faced stagnant wages, disappearing pensions, rising housing costs, expensive healthcare, and growing economic insecurity. During the same period, billionaires accumulated fortunes once considered unimaginable. Tax reductions, deregulation, stock buybacks, corporate consolidation, weakened labor protections, and political donations helped transfer wealth and influence upward.

This concentration of wealth affects much more than personal bank accounts. Billionaires and powerful corporations can finance political campaigns, employ armies of lobbyists, purchase major media organizations, influence public debate, and shape the laws under which everyone must live. Their decisions can determine which industries receive public subsidies, which communities receive investment, and which workers are left behind.

*Billionaires Inc.* follows the connections between money, political access, media ownership, infrastructure, taxation, labor, technology, and democratic accountability. Each volume examines a different part of the system while remaining connected to the central story: how concentrated wealth changes a nation.

This series is not an argument against success, entrepreneurship, or innovation. It is an argument for fairness and accountability. No person or corporation should be so powerful that elected government becomes more responsive to wealth than to the public.

As authors, we write from the perspective of people who have witnessed discrimination, economic inequality, labor struggles, and the consequences of political decisions made far from working-class neighborhoods. We believe history must be told honestly—and that ordinary people deserve a voice in decisions affecting their jobs, families, communities, and future.

We invite you to read the *Billionaires Inc.* series, share these ideas, and join the discussion about the kind of democracy and economy America should build.

Subscribe to this newsletter for book updates, historical commentary, and new writing about civil rights, economic justice, the working class, and political accountability.

—Armando Oscar Olmos and Maria Teresa Zambrano Rivera

https://www.amazon.com/author/armandooscarolmos

https://www.amazon.com/author/armandooscarolmos

A democracy cannot remain healthy when extraordinary wealth becomes extraordinary political power.Our *Billionaires Inc....
09/22/2026

A democracy cannot remain healthy when extraordinary wealth becomes extraordinary political power.

Our *Billionaires Inc.* book series examines how a small group of extremely wealthy individuals and corporations gained enormous influence over American politics, the economy, the media, public policy, and everyday life. These books ask a fundamental question: What happens when billionaires possess more power than millions of working people combined?

For more than four decades, working families have faced stagnant wages, disappearing pensions, rising housing costs, expensive healthcare, and growing economic insecurity. During the same period, billionaires accumulated fortunes once considered unimaginable. Tax reductions, deregulation, stock buybacks, corporate consolidation, weakened labor protections, and political donations helped transfer wealth and influence upward.

This concentration of wealth affects much more than personal bank accounts. Billionaires and powerful corporations can finance political campaigns, employ armies of lobbyists, purchase major media organizations, influence public debate, and shape the laws under which everyone must live. Their decisions can determine which industries receive public subsidies, which communities receive investment, and which workers are left behind.

*Billionaires Inc.* follows the connections between money, political access, media ownership, infrastructure, taxation, labor, technology, and democratic accountability. Each volume examines a different part of the system while remaining connected to the central story: how concentrated wealth changes a nation.

This series is not an argument against success, entrepreneurship, or innovation. It is an argument for fairness and accountability. No person or corporation should be so powerful that elected government becomes more responsive to wealth than to the public.

As authors, we write from the perspective of people who have witnessed discrimination, economic inequality, labor struggles, and the consequences of political decisions made far from working-class neighborhoods. We believe history must be told honestly—and that ordinary people deserve a voice in decisions affecting their jobs, families, communities, and future.

We invite you to read the *Billionaires Inc.* series, share these ideas, and join the discussion about the kind of democracy and economy America should build.

Subscribe to this newsletter for book updates, historical commentary, and new writing about civil rights, economic justice, the working class, and political accountability.

—Armando Oscar Olmos and Maria Teresa Zambrano Rivera

https://www.amazon.com/author/armandooscarolmos

https://armandooscarolmos.substack.com/publish/posts/detail/216841566/share-center

I'm glad to share that my new book, War & Fossil Fuel Book I, co-written with María Teresa Zambrano Rivera, is now avail...
09/16/2026

I'm glad to share that my new book, War & Fossil Fuel Book I, co-written with María Teresa Zambrano Rivera, is now available on Kindle — with a Spanish edition, Subsidios, guerra y el contribuyente estadounidense, out alongside it.

This book started from a simple, uncomfortable question: who actually pays for the fossil fuel industry's privileges — and who benefits from them?

For decades, American energy policy has quietly transferred public wealth into private hands through preferential tax treatment, subsidized leases on public land, and government support that rarely shows up as a line item taxpayers can see. This book traces where that money goes, what it costs beyond the balance sheet — in public health, environmental damage, and global instability — and what real accountability would require.

In this book, we dig into:

- How decades of preferential regulation have shaped the true cost of fossil fuel dependence
- The hidden costs that never make it onto a utility bill: public health, environmental cleanup, and geopolitical risk
- Who benefits from current subsidy structures, and who bears the risk
- What a just transition would actually require — for workers and communities, not just balance sheets
- A framework for real fiscal and regulatory transparency going forward

This is Book I in a series — the beginning of a closer look at where public money goes, and who's accountable for it.

If this is a subject you care about, I'd love for you to check it out.

Get the book and see all my titles here:
Armando Oscar Olmos — Author Page on Amazon
https://www.amazon.com/stores/Armando-Olmos/author/B0HJ3N6VXC/allbooks?ccs_id=daa78324-d7f1-4f5a-9692-b18ab3fbcfa7

Thank you, as always, for reading — and for supporting independent nonfiction.

— Armando

THE 1968 EAST LOS ANGELES WALKOUTSIn March 1968, thousands of Mexican American students walked out of schools across Eas...
09/15/2026

THE 1968 EAST LOS ANGELES WALKOUTS

In March 1968, thousands of Mexican American students walked out of schools across East Los Angeles to demand better educational opportunities. Students called attention to overcrowded classrooms, unequal educational conditions, limited representation of Mexican American history and culture, and the need for reforms such as improved college preparation and bilingual education.

The East L.A. Walkouts, also known as the Chicano Blowouts, became an important chapter in the Chicano civil-rights movement. Young students demonstrated that they were willing to organize, speak publicly, and demand a greater voice in their education and their future.

This history is personal to me. I attended Roosevelt High School before leaving high school in 1967, shortly before the historic walkouts. I grew up in the communities where this movement developed, and members of my family attended Roosevelt during this historic period.

I invite you to read our latest Substack article and learn more about the students who helped change the history of East Los Angeles.

— Armando Oscar Olmos
— Maria Teresa Zambrano Rivera
Authors

Please read, subscribe, and share.

09/13/2026

📚 **NOW AVAILABLE ON AMAZON**

**DETENTION CENTERS**
*By Armando Oscar Olmos and Maria Teresa Zambrano Rivera*

Discover a powerful examination of America’s immigration detention system—its human cost, private profits, abuse of authority, and the families whose lives have been changed forever.

Read the book and explore more of our work on the official Amazon Author Page:

🔗 [https://www.amazon.com/author/armandooscarolmos](https://www.amazon.com/author/armandooscarolmos)

Please follow my author profile, share this post, and help bring attention to this important story.

09/12/2026

In March 1968, the East Los Angeles Walkouts—commonly remembered as the "Chicano Blowouts"—ignited one of the most powerful youth-led civil rights mobilizations in American history. Frustrated by decades of systemic inequality, thousands of Mexican American high school students coordinated a mass strike across several major campuses, including Garfield, Roosevelt, Lincoln, and Belmont High Schools. The walkouts were not spontaneous outbursts, but carefully planned acts of direct action organized by young leaders alongside mentors like Lincoln High teacher Sal Castro, all determined to challenge a public school system that systematically neglected Eastside communities.

At the root of the protests was deep indignation over blatant educational discrimination, substandard facilities, and institutional racism. Chicano students faced staggering dropout rates hovering around 60% and were routinely tracked into vocational labor or homemaking rather than college-preparatory coursework. Spanish was strictly prohibited on school grounds under threat of punishment, Mexican history and culture were excluded from classroom curricula, and high schools operated with severe overcrowding and outdated materials. Armed with handmade picket signs bearing slogans like "School Not Prison" and "We Are Not 'Dirty Mexicans,'" students openly condemned daily indignities and demanded that their schools function as institutions of learning rather than holding facilities.

As the strike gained momentum, more than 15,000 to 20,000 students poured into the streets over several days, capturing citywide media attention and provoking swift institutional pushback. Student committees formulated a comprehensive list of 36 demands presented to the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) Board of Education, calling for bilingual education, revised history textbooks acknowledging Mexican American heritage, hiring of Chicano teachers and administrators, and facility upgrades. The establishment responded with heavy police crackdowns, harassment, and the eventual indictment of thirteen organizers and community leaders—known as the "East L.A. 13"—on felony conspiracy charges, though community-wide protests, school board sit-ins, and subsequent legal battles ultimately led to their charges being dismissed.

The East Los Angeles Walkouts marked a transformative watershed moment that galvanized the broader Chicano Civil Rights Movement nationwide. The protests demonstrated the organizational sophistication and political power of youth, directly pressuring the school district to introduce bilingual and bicultural programs and recruit more Latino educators. Beyond secondary schools, the momentum catalyzed college students to demand and establish the nation's first Chicano Studies departments, spurred university affirmative action initiatives, and inspired a generation of activists, scholars, and political leaders who permanently reshaped American civil rights history.

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