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05/12/2017

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05/12/2017

Birth, marriage and burial are considered the three most important family events in most cultures, and Igboland is not an exception to that.

It is common to get invited to a traditional marriage (Igbankwu) and certainly worth witnessing one. Marriage in Igboland is not just an affair between the future husband and wife but also involves the parents, the extended family and villages. First the groom asks his potential partner to marry him. Assuming that this is affirmative, the groom will visit the bride’s residence accompanied by his father. The groom’s father will introduce himself and his son and explain the purpose of his visit.

The bride’s father welcomes the guests, invites his daughter to come and asks her if she knows the groom. Her confirmation shows that she agrees with the proposal. Then the bride’s price settlement (Ika-Akalika) starts with the groom accompanied by his father and elders visiting the bride’s compound on another evening.

igbo wedding
Traditional Igbo Wedding
They bring wine and kola nuts with them, which are presented to the bride’s father. After they have been served with a meal, the bride’s price is being negotiated between the fathers. In most cases there is only a symbolic price to be paid for the bride but in addition other prerequisites (kola nuts, goats, chicken, wine, etc.) are listed as well. Usually it takes more than one evening before the final bride’s price is settled, offering guests from both sides a glamorous feast.
Igbo wedding
Bride with Iko looking for husband
Another evening is spent for the payment of the bride’s price at the bride’s compound when the groom’s family hands over the money and other agreed prerequisites. The money and goods are counted, while relatives and friends are served drinks and food in the bride’s compound. After all is settled, the traditional wedding day is planned. The wedding day is again at the bride’s compound, where the guests welcome the couple and invite them in front of the families. First the bride goes around selling boilt eggs to the guests, showing to both families that she has the capability to open a shop and make money. Then, the bride’s father fills a wooden cup (Iko) with palm wine and passes it on to the girl while the groom finds a place between the guests. It is the custom for her to look for her husband while being distracted by the invitees. Only after she has found the groom, she offered the cup to him and he sipped the wine, the couple is married traditionally. During this ceremony, there is also the nuptial dance where the couple dances, while guests wish the newly weds prosperity by throwing money around them or putting bills on their forehead.

Nowadays, church wedding follows traditional marriage . During this ceremony, the bride’s train, made up of the bride followed by her single female friends, enters the church dancing on the music, while the guests bless the bride’s train by throwing money over the bride and her entourage. The groom receives the bride at the altar for the final church blessing by the priest. Sometimes, the traditional marriage is combined with the reception that is then preceded by the church ceremony.

igbo wedding 2
Igbo Church Wedding
Birth celebration, as the wedding ceremony, varies from village to village. On the eighth day, the child (male only, though there are some discussions whether it should apply females as well) is prepared for circumcision, and on the twenty-eighth day, the naming ceremony is performed, each event accompanied by a feast for the relatives.

Death in Igboland is regarded as the passing away of the person from the world existence to the spirit world. However, only after the second burial rites, it is believed that the person can reach the spirit world, as otherwise, the departed relative would still wander between earth and the spirit world. The honour of the death varies dependent on the background, title, gender, relationship with family and circumstances around the death. The co**se is normally buried at the village in the person’s compound after it has been preceded by the wake keeping. During the funeral ceremonies, relatives and friends of the deceased pay their last respect to the dead and mourn with the bereaved in colourful ceremonies marked with singing and traditional dances. In the olden days, the wake keeping was accompanied by masquerades, traditional music and animal sacrifices. A high-ranking chief or traditional ruler would be buried with two human heads alongside his body and would go along with the release of canon gun shots to notify the general public on the loss. Many more customs surrounded the burial rites, but the church nowadays has overtaken most of these traditions. To go in more details would go beyond the scope of this book, and I would suggest to read the books mentioned before for further research.

05/12/2017

The Igbo calendar (Igbo: Ògụ́àfọ̀ Ị̀gbò[citation needed]) is the traditional calendar system of the Igbo people which has 13 months in a year (afo), 7 weeks in a month (onwa), and 4 days of Igbo market days (afor,nkwo,eke and orie) in a week (izu) plus an extra day at the end of the year, in the last month. The name of these months was reported by Onwuejeogwu (1981).[1]
Such a calendar was presented by Onasanya (2009) in his The Urgency of Now!: Building a True Nigerian Nation.[2] Many parts of this calendar are named for or dedicated to certain spirits (Igbo: Mmuo) and deities (Igbo: Alusi) in Igbo mythology. Some of the spirits and deities were believed to have given the Igbo people knowledge of time. The days, also known as market day, also correspond to the four cardinal points, north, south, east, west.
Although worship and spirit honoring was a very big part in the creation and development of the Igbo calendar system, commerce also played a major role in creating the Igbo calendar. This was emphasized in Igbo mythology itself. An example of this is the Igbo market days of which each community has a day assigned to open its markets, this way the Igbo calendar is still in use.
Some Igbo communities have tried to adjust the thirteen month calendar to twelve months, in line with the Gregorian calendar.[3]
The calendar is neither universal nor synchronized, so various groups will be at different stages of the week, or even year. Nonetheless the four-eight day cycle serves to synchronize the inter-village market days, and substantial parts (for example the Kingdom of Nri) do share the same year-start.

ODOGWU
05/12/2017

ODOGWU

03/12/2017
03/12/2017

The use of traditional healing remedies for ailments has always been part
of human culture. Among the Igbo, disease is generally referred to as ‘aru
mgbu’ (body pain), ‘oria’ (sickness) etc. Apart from recognizing disease as a
major problem, they attribute the causes to several agents such as sorcery,
breaking of taboos, mystical disease and witchcraft (Okwor, 1997). They
therefore devised way for curing diseases that are environmentally induced
as they tried to dominate and conquer the environment in which they lived.
Unfortunately, this cultural practice has been widely criticized especially by
Eurocentric scholars. This is principally based on the assumption that
traditional healers rely almost exclusively on magic, witchcraft and
necromancy (Shu, 1997b:173). Some have questioned the relationship
between African medicaments, its practices and diseases (Iwu, 1981). The
traditional healing systems have also been criticized on the ground that
practitioners are illiterates who do not understand the anatomy of human
being. The drugs and herbs administered do not pass through laboratory
processes and so may still contain some harmful elements, which can cause
more harm than good in the body system. Furthermore, the practitioners do
not adhere to the rule of hygiene and administration of herbal drugs may not
be on the right dosages because they do not have the technology to
determine drug dosage. In spite of all these criticisms, the practice has
continued to persist among Nsukka Igbo.
The introduction of western medicine into the third world in the mid-
20th Century with the laudable goal of improving the health and nutritional
status of various populations was welcomed by many. These programmes
were however, instituted without much consideration for existing practices
and beliefs of the local people for whom they were meant. The fact, however,
that traditional healers did not simply disappear with the advent of western
medicine, but are rather gaining more prominence even among the urban
populace is a glowing testimony to the inadequacies of modern medicine in
these parts

03/12/2017

Explored by this submission is the concept of dibia or healer and the representations of dibia, including the nuances of dibia and why being a dibia is a culturally endorsed professional role. Drawing from fieldwork and research, the paper shows the dynamics of cultural construction of fields of healing occupational practices in Igbo of Nigeria. It argues for why indigenous medical practitioners in Nigeria need to be taken seriously in modern ways of training healers in university settings and moreso in the context of promoting integral health care for development at all levels. The key focus is on how levels of care should necessitate the recognition of the rich medical resources requiring endogenous imagination and biomedical logic and creativity. It calls that ethnographic studies are of necessity to further examine the dimensions of Igbo medicine and culture – and advances that critical reports from endogenous medical studies will open avenues to harvest and use the valuable cultural resources and results meaningfully – in giving care and in sustaining the identity of Igbo medicine and culture in its own right. Entirely, the paper seeks to point out how the dibia is commonly called and represented with diverse meanings in Igbo life and culture.

Key Terms: Endogenous imagination, Igbo medicine, healers, culture, development, integration, multiple skills and resources.

Introduction

As health is critical to life, development requires knowledge, time and resources to face the vicissitudes of life. Our knowledge and health condition affect us more powerfully. When people fall sick, they do something to recover. Every society has healers or dibia in Igbo parlance to help them understand forms of illness and how to cure them. The office of a healer and symbols of healing can be as complex as it may be commonly understood, including the notions and representations the medicine practitioners are associated with.

From the Goethe Institute, Lagos, Kole Ade-Odutola contacted me in 2007 after reading my work on Nigerian healer-practitioners and provided me with the Report of pre-conference work session on traditional medicine and therapy held in 1997. His obvious concern, I do agree, is on what we can do to produce knowledge in the alternative systems of healing – especially bringing the hidden possibilities, products and procedures to the open similar to what was done with the Chinese system of acupressure and acupuncture. I think we can begin by studying the dibia and why one is called and represented as dibia in Igbo in the first place. Given some personal communication with Remy Ilona, a historian in Abuja of Nigeria, he argued that we often claim we know what the dibia does, but the truth is that we have not studied them and therefore know little or nothing to represent them accurately. The vernacular of Igbo medicine is undeveloped and rarely accessed. Remy Ilona is right and I grant that healers deserve scholarly attention in the integration language of health care development. Now, the paper explores who is a dibia in the cosmology of life and healing and depicts the dibia’s cultural power base and healing symbols. It shows the critical values and validation processes placed on becoming a healer, the perceptions and complex nature of healers and roles in the university training programs in Nigeria is pointed out. How a dibia is concurrently referred to as a native doctor, witch doctor, pagan priest, and other nuances over time to reflect deeper things in Igbo life and culture. Isiguzo captures one characterization of a dibia as eze nmuo due to colour and attire put on at rituals while discussing African culture and symbolism. Drawing from fieldwork in Igboland and by adopting a descriptive and semantic approach, the paper shows the form of endogenous power and resources Igbo healers offer to critical healing needed in the pragmatics of illness interventions. I start with the etymology of dibia, followed by the clarification of transformational Igbo sage valourizing – dibia bu agbara to bekee bu agbara – that has become a colonial signature in the Nigerian technological development psyche and imagination.

The Etymology of Dibia

Etymology often shows the different forms a word such as dibia has taken in passing from one language and generation to another. Regarding dibia, I have not come across any Igbo studies where dibia has been critically analyzed or presented. Though common references are made to dibia, we require understanding of the word in its own right as a preoccupation in Igbo society. While conducting fieldwork in Igboland, I asked both individual healers and the collective association of healers called Ndi Oha Dibia themselves why they answer dibia and not something else. From their effort to explain, a dibia is a healer, onye na-agwo oria. But does the same dibia cause illness – dibia o na-atu oria? – like in biomedical situations where knowingly or not practitioners cause illness or bring about complications. Further, informants said that a dibia is formed by two words: di and bia. The prefix di refers to a master, holder of authority and power like in di bi ulo (household head), di nta (master hunter), and di mgba (master wrestler). Forming words of mastery and expertise by using the prefix di is common in Igbo logic of naming and characterizing activities of mastery and competence. Yet joining di to bia does not immediately bring out the connotation of someone to be a healer. I sought to know why bia is joined to di in the case of healing. Further explanation held that di~bia is a shortened form of dibiala (master of things of the land, community, cosmological forces, fortune, misfortune, illness and remedy).

It is sensible to say that a dibia is one who has a deep knowledge and skills of holding a land and its people for peace and growth. As di, a healer is ascribed with the power and authority of a master to welcome and direct the things of the land through rites of kinship cohesion, fecundity and progress. The suffix bia from di means ability to welcome and direct events, life courses and order of a society. Culturally, I point out that a dibia (dibiala) is a designer of fortune and cleanser of wrongs of the land. The dibia stands out as a cultural ethical ritual logician who welcomes, directs and provides endogenous means of interactive embodiments and cosmology of life forces as a whole. A dibia is therefore a master of the land ethos – offering ancestral wisdom, customs and traditions of being and becoming. Ala, land as pointed out by Uwazie forms the central core of Igbo consciousness. Isichei noted it as the totality of Igbo life – for that reason culture and customs revolve around it at the watch of the elders and ritual experts, namely the dibia. Essentially the moral universe of the Igbo, their food and water, gods, destinies, opportunities, misfortunes, illnesses and remedial ways are from the land. Nonetheless, Elsewhere, John Umeh seemingly identified a dibia with the title After God is Dibia. The same applies to Anezionwu’s Ahiajoku Lecture at Owerri captioned Chukwu ka Dibia in 1988. Even my most recent works also did not specifically report the etymology of dibia as I have provided it here and I think it is important to recognize the massive authority and power that a dibia embodies and weighs in the things of the land – calming down (ijiala, ibiala, di~ibiala) – a master who re-authors the land. Entirely, a dibia for the Igbo is a cosmological engineer – a relational order builder of this world and that world, health and society, descent and blood, kin-people and neighbours, fortune and misfortune, fecundity and expansion. Csorda’s recognition of embodiment as a paradigm for knowledge system reflects the dibia as a body that heals. The argument is that the body that we heal is not an object to be studied in relation to culture, but is to be considered as the subject of culture. In other words, a dibia is to be seen as the existential ground of culture, knowledge system, of the land and all else

Of dibia, agbara, bekee and colonial signature

In Igbo oracle of life and culture, dibia bu agbara, it is said. That is, a dibia is often rightly or wrongly viewed as a transformed spirit god or agent of spiritual care. Before colonialism the common cultural expression associated with people who performed or achieved amazing feats is dibia bu agbara. My grandfather, late Dede, a great local surgeon, general healer and hunter alias Ogbue Osibe (kill and cook) – told me when I was carrying his medicine bag as a young boy that usually a dibia shares a ritual relationship with a powerful deity – hence dibia bu agbra to heal wrongs. Little did I know I will grow up to become a knowledge worker and pen healer. But today the above Igbo sage is transformed and being eulogized as bekee bu agbara. The white man is spirit. That is, amazing. There are many things yet to be researched, debated and agreed or disagreed upon towards understanding the Igbo of Nigeria as an authentic and autochthonous seminal society. The concept of dibia is a virgin area for scholarship and intellection attention. Like culture which is not a fixed concept, changing with people and society, a dibia adapts in response to needs and circumstances of individuals and society served.

A common view on a situation when someone does something that either creates a wonder, amazement, awesomeness, ingenuity and class is linked to agbara. Any act of achievement, surprise, ingenious display of sense and skill to solve a problem considered intractable or extremely challenging, the Igbo refer to such as having a sense of and characteristic of agbara, spiritual capacity and ability. Helped to understand with this notion is a dibia as a transformed agbara is a status symbol for high achievers. A dibia embodies a layer of forces – ecological and awe-inspiring, in other words transcendental and transformational – illness to health, misfortune to fortune, weakness to strength, lack of power to empowerment, inability to ability and capacity, invisible to visible reality. But one can only give what one has – spiritually, materially and culturally. A dibia is empowered to be all that is – and is consequently represented. Deities or minor spirits are found everywhere in Igbo localities but only a few can be classed as agbara, in other words, dibia di ire (effective and meaningful healer). Like agbara, a dibia is an institution and status quo ante to be grown into. Being agbara is reckoned with being the iroko, osisi or icheku chere mba. A dibia is transformed to shade a community. A dibia resonates with a cultural metaphor applied to the theory of health and life people live with. Dibia bu agbara rather than bekee bu agbara (a medicine man is spirit, magical, wonderful, a trail blazer) is a constructed reference to imply achieving feats to resolve problems.

A sense of being agbara can relate to a metonym of being exceedingly a utility, enigmatic and belligerent. In understood dibia pari passu with agbara, it elevates one’s cultural intelligence to correspond with problem solving. Phenomenally, supernatural beings exist. There are known sites for agbara – and ritual experts do make known the reality of the powers and attributes of the deity. Elsewhere, I discussed Igbo oracles and shrines and showed some deities and their features, such as ahiajoku, agwu, ikenga, alawala, anyanwu, and amadioha. Now let us briefly identify the Igbo in Nigeria and situate who is a healer within the society.

03/12/2017

Kola nut - An Ibo Tradition

Óji, (the english name is Kola nut) is a native seed grown in the sultry forest. It is a seed which is planted and eaten in different regions in Nigeria. Kola nut is a prevalent seed in Nigeria and other African countries, but is of great significance in Igboland.
The breaking, blessing and sharing of Óji is a wonderful tradition which transcends from our progenitors.
Óji is a very sacrosanct nut, it brings a community together. Its supremacy brings harmony, unity, peace, prosperity, reproduction and progress amongst those who participate in the blessing and sharing of kola nut.
It is the first thing which is presented to guest in every Igbo gathering. Óji is used to settle disputes between siblings or neighbours, it is served at marriages and burials, however, the rhetoric rites are not performed at burial.
There are different lobes of kola nuts, the different lobes of Kola nut symbolises something in the Igboland.
Different Parts of Igbo Kola nut (Óji Igbo)

Igbo kolanut does not have two segments; any kolanut which has two segments is not served in Igboland.

Óji Ato

Kola nut that has three segments is believed to be a very good one. It symbolises good relation.

Óji Ano

The Igbo’s have great penchant for kola nut which has four parts. It is a symbol of progress and happiness. The four segments characterises the impending blessings which will be bestowed on anyone who participates in the sharing/eating of kola nut. It also serves as a point of contact for progression in every area of the lives of those who partake in eating the kola nut.

Óji Ise

A kola nut which has five segments is a symbol of reproduction. Anyone who partakes in the sharing and eating of this type kola trusts God for fruitfulness, increase and outstanding progress in the lives of her progeny. In the olden days when high importance was attached to large family, this type of kola nut was offered to men who had ample children.

Óji Asa

A Kola nut which has six or seven segments means double progress. It is the Igbo’s believe that whoever partake in eating this kola nut would experience incessant progress in every area of their lives.

WOMEN'S ROLE IN THE BREAKING OF KOLANUT

Tradition does not permit women to climb, pluck or break kola nut. A wife may present kola nut to her husband to offer to their guest, but under no circumstance must she break or bless the kola nut. The primary reason for this is that kola nut epitomises headship, hence, requiring the need for the husband to bless and break the nut. In the absence of the head of the household, any available man will be called upon to break the kola.

Presentation of kola nut

It is the onus of an elderly man from the host family to present kola nut to his guest. It is however, the duty of the traditional rulers to present and bless kola nuts if they are present at a ceremony. When kola nut is presented to guests, an elderly man from the guest family would touch the kola nut and say to the host "Òji eze nò eze na aka", this means that the guest have seen the kola which has been presented to them and that the host should proceed to break and bless the kola. The elderly man could proceed to break the kola nut himself or designate the task to a younger man from his family. Where someone other than the elder himself broke the kola nut, it is later passed on to the elderly man for prayers and or blessings.

Blessing of kola nut

It is the Igbo's believe that Oji does not speak or hear English, hence the dictum "Oji anaghi anu bekee". The elder or Eze then blesses the kola in Igbo lingua franca. He offers a piece of the kola nut to ancestral spirits and deities and takes a piece himself; this can be eaten on its own or served with Okwa Ose (peppered butter paste) or alligator pepper before the rest of the Kola nut is passed round to others present. This act means that the host presents the kola nut with a clean heart and a good conscience.
The myth and custom of kola nut is one of the sacred tradition transcended from our great ancestors and which will not be obliterated. It presence not only permeate and brings unity in the lives of those who partake in it, it also embrace an aura of symbolism which depicts happiness, life, peace and a great ambience for vengeance when offered to the ancestral spirits or gods for vindication and retribution.

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