Progressive Nkrumahist Movement

Progressive Nkrumahist Movement Justice | Truth | Development

24/02/2026

Nkrumah Speaks: 24th February 1967

My beloved people of Ghana, sons and daughters of the Black Star, I speak not from nostalgia but from unfinished duty. History has called my name again because the questions we faced at independence still stand before you today. Who owns Ghana. Who directs her wealth. Who defines her future. Until these are answered honestly, independence remains incomplete.

On this anniversary of the interruption of our constitutional order in 1966, I ask you not to dwell in bitterness but in understanding. Nations grow through memory. Forgetfulness is the enemy of progress. What happened did not only remove a government. It shook the confidence of a young nation that had begun to believe boldly in itself. When confidence is shaken, dependency quietly returns.

I was accused of dreaming too big, of moving too fast toward industrial transformation, continental unity, and intellectual self determination. Yet the world never advanced through timidity. Every nation that commands respect first imagined itself greater than its limitations.

Look around you now. The resources remain. The intelligence of your youth remains. The creativity of your farmers, traders, engineers, writers, and workers remains. What weakens a nation is rarely lack of capacity but lack of coordinated purpose. A people divided by suspicion cannot build enduring prosperity.

Reject the false choice between freedom and development. They are not enemies. True freedom empowers development. True development secures freedom. When corruption flourishes, when public trust declines, when institutions serve factions rather than citizens, both freedom and development suffer together.

Economic independence was always central to my philosophy. Political flags mean little without economic control. If raw materials leave your shores cheaply and return as expensive finished goods, dependency persists. Industrialization was never vanity. It was survival, and it remains survival.

Africa still watches Ghana. This nation once carried the torch of continental self belief. That responsibility has not vanished. The world respects Africa when Africa respects itself. Unity was never a slogan. It was strategic protection against exploitation. Fragmentation weakens bargaining power in trade, diplomacy, and technology.

I acknowledge what my critics said. Leadership must listen. Power must remain accountable. No system is perfect. But instability is not reform. Destruction is not correction. When nations repeatedly reset through disruption, long term planning becomes impossible. Stability anchored in justice is where progress grows.

Young Ghanaians, you are not prisoners of history. You are authors of what comes next. Study deeply. Question courageously. Build ethically. Refuse the comfort of cynicism. Patriotism is not blind praise. It is constructive commitment. Love of country must express itself in competence, integrity, and service.

To those in public office today, remember authority is temporary but legacy is permanent. The measure of leadership is not personal comfort but national transformation. Ask daily whether decisions expand opportunity for ordinary citizens or merely preserve elite advantage.

And to every citizen, never underestimate your collective strength. A politically conscious population is the greatest safeguard of democracy. Demand transparency. Participate peacefully. Protect national assets. Encourage excellence. A nation rises when its people insist on rising.

I remain, in spirit, an optimist about Ghana. I have seen her resilience, intellect, and moral courage. These qualities have not disappeared. They await renewed direction and disciplined unity.

The Black Star still shines. Whether it grows brighter or dimmer rests not in foreign capitals, nor in history, but in the daily choices of Ghanaians themselves.

Forward ever, backward never.

In the Spirit of Nkrumah
A February 24 Reflection

The first daft claim by anti-Nkrumah loyalist that Nkrumah’s name was written in the 1960 constitution. So that’s proof ...
10/02/2026

The first daft claim by anti-Nkrumah loyalist that Nkrumah’s name was written in the 1960 constitution.
So that’s proof that Nkrumah was a life term President.

How very daft. If you know anything about the context of the 1960 constitution, you would know that the referendum to adopt the 1960 constitution was held together with the 1960 first ever presidential elections.

Nkrumah got 89.07% of the votes. JB Danquah got 10.93%.

Now the draft constitution made provision for a clause to indicate the name of the first president who will be elected under it, when the draft was being finalized after the referendum.

Meaning that if JB Danquah, a candidate as popular as Hassan Ayariga is today, had won that election, his name would have been written in the Claude for First President

This is how Article 10 reads

“ First President - 10. KWAME NKRUMAH is hereby appointed first President of Ghana, having been chosen a s such before the enactment of the Constitution in a Plebiscite conducted in accordance with the principle set out in Article One of the Constitution.”

Is this lifetime Presidency?

Now, we don’t draft laws like that anymore. We would have used transitional provisions, but to look at that provision and say it means he was President for life, Is to be seriously challenged or plain ignorant.

Shalom!

The past week has shown that much of what we call our history today has been watered down because it feels very distant ...
09/02/2026

The past week has shown that much of what we call our history today has been watered down because it feels very distant to us. People have pushed the narrative that Nkrumah was a mindless despot who hated opposition and wanted to silence anyone who questioned his governance thus he had the Preventive Detention Act passed. But was that really the case?

Let’s look at the chronology of some events that eventually led to his overthrow in 1966.

The first assassination attempt on Kwame Nkrumah occurred on November 10, 1955, before Ghana gained its independence. A bomb exploded at his residence in Accra while he was meeting with government ministers. This occurred three years before the PDA was passed.

In 1958, a plot involving various opposition party officials was reportedly uncovered and a few months later the PDA was passed. I would equate the PDA to what happened to Osagyefo Oliver Barker-Vormawor when he made the “coup” post on Facebook. There are some of you here on this app who suggested that Oliver be locked up and the keys this cell tossed into the ocean because of what he posted and yet you foam at the mouth when reports that people who plotted, pulled off an assassination but failed got locked up.

In 1961, a statue of Nkrumah in Accra was bombed, which he viewed as a symbolic and physical threat.

On August 1, 1962 (Kulungugu), a gr***de concealed in a bouquet of flowers was given to him by a schoolgirl. Nkrumah survived with non-life-threatening shrapnel wounds, but many others were injured or killed.

On January 2, 1964, a police constable, Seth Ametewee, chased and fired five shots at him at Flagstaff House. Nkrumah escaped, but his bodyguard, Salifu Dagarti, was killed while shielding him. Imagine a sitting president getting chased with a gun in the safest place in the country as other security personnel watched on.

All these happened before the referendum that made Ghana a one-party state was passed on February 21, 1964, so the argument that the attempts to remove Nkrumah were solely because he made himself president for life and there was no other way to kick him out is a blatant falsehood.

Anyone with counterfacts should kindly drop them. I have the time.

This image shows Edward Akufo-Addo swearing an oath of allegiance to the coup leaders Kotoka, Ankrah, and Harley followi...
09/02/2026

This image shows Edward Akufo-Addo swearing an oath of allegiance to the coup leaders Kotoka, Ankrah, and Harley following his appointment as Chief Justice by the National Liberation Council in 1966.

In simple terms, Edward Akufo-Addo was appointed Chief Justice by the coup leaders who overthrew Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s government.

In line with Trump’s video about the Obamas, here is a telegram McGeorge Bundy (National Security Advisor) sent to Presi...
08/02/2026

In line with Trump’s video about the Obamas, here is a telegram McGeorge Bundy (National Security Advisor) sent to President Lyndon B. Johnson on May 21, 1964.

This is why Nkrumah can't be judged with isolated facts or a single narrative. Documents like this remind us that he wasn't just governing Ghana; he was operating in a tense Cold War environment where powerful interests watched him closely and didn’t trust his vision for African independence and unity.

It doesn’t excuse every decision he made, but it explains the pressure, the suspicion, and the urgency behind many of them, he wasn't just a local politician, he was a continental force challenging the global order of his time.

That's why his legacy is so contested and some judge him only by internal policies; others see the wider struggle he was part of but the truth sits in the full context, not in pieces.

Here is the breakdown of what was happening behind the scenes:
The Key Players
* "McG. B." (McGeorge Bundy): He was the National Security Advisor to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. He was known for his "cool" and often academic but ruthless approach to foreign policy.
* "Mr. President": Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ).
* "Nkrumah": Kwame Nkrumah, the Pan-Africanist leader of Ghana.
The Historical Context
In 1964, the U.S. was in a "tug-of-war" with the Soviet Union over influence in Africa. Nkrumah was a founding father of the Non-Aligned Movement, but his leanings toward socialist policies and his "Africa for Africans" rhetoric made Washington deeply suspicious.
1. The "Mush"
The "mush" Bundy refers to likely refers to a formal diplomatic letter or a public statement of friendship/cooperation being sent to Nkrumah. In diplomatic speak, "mush" suggests content that is overly sentimental or flattering—stuff Bundy personally found tedious but viewed as a necessary tool of "soft power."
2. The Racial Slur
The phrase "Nkrumah has been less of a monkey lately" is a jarring example of the private racism and condescension prevalent among high-ranking U.S. officials at the time. It reveals how they truly viewed African leaders: as erratic, "primitive," or difficult to manage, rather than as equal heads of state.
3. The Deteriorating Relationship
The U.S. was frustrated with Nkrumah for several reasons:
* He was increasingly critical of "neo-colonialism."
* He was seeking aid from both the East and West (including funding for the Akosombo Dam).
* The CIA was already monitoring him closely; less than two years after this memo (February 1966), Nkrumah was overthrown in a military coup while on a trip to China, a coup that many historians argue had significant U.S. backing.
Why This Document Matters
This memo is often cited by historians to illustrate the duality of American foreign policy during the 1960s: the public face of supporting African independence vs. the private reality of racial prejudice and strategic manipulation. It shows that even when the U.S. was playing "nice" (the "mush"), the underlying attitude was one of deep-seated disrespect.

NKRUMAH IS THE FOUNDER OF MODERN GHANA EXCERPTS FROM CHAPTER 10 (PAGES 162-202) OF “GHANA: THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE, 191...
05/08/2024

NKRUMAH IS THE FOUNDER OF MODERN GHANA

EXCERPTS FROM CHAPTER 10 (PAGES 162-202) OF “GHANA: THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE, 1919-1957” BY F. M. BOURRET (PUBLISHED IN 1960)

1. Bourret states on page 162 of his book "Ghana: The Road to Independence, 1919-1957” that of “all the steps taken towards the goal of political autonomy during this period, the MOST NOTABLE, however, was THE 1946 [BURNS] CONSTITUTION with its provision for a clear African majority on the legislative council and for a legislative union between the Colony and Ashanti.”

2. Ashante had always preferred a FEDERAL STATE/REPUBLIC since the 1940s. Sir Frederick Bourne's report in 1955 advised against federation as being unsuitable for so small a country but recommended dilution of power to regional assemblies.

3. The 1946 constitution failed after the 1948 riots – a developing wage-earning class mobilised politically and socially. Scarcely a year after the inauguration of the 1946 constitution, certain groups were dissatisfied and, in August 1947, set up the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). Its members, under the direction of Mr George Grant- and Dr Danquah, were drawn from the upper middle class, mostly lawyers and merchants…The UGCC members [mostly elites] wanted self-government at the “earliest opportunity” and thought/took it for granted that “they would retain their leadership as the country advanced towards independence.”

4. But this all changed when Dr Kwame Nkrumah became the Secretary of the UGCC in December 1947. Late in 1947, one of the Accra subchiefs, Nii Bonne, began to organize a boycott campaign to force prices to be lowered. It started in January 1948, but it was difficult to get the people to obey its regulations. Finally, at the end of February, the Accra Chamber of Commerce agreed to reduce prices, and on the 28th, retail buying was resumed. On the same day, a group of ex-servicemen planned to hold a parade but were shot at 2, killed, and about 5 others wounded at the Junction to Christianborg Castle

5. The 1948 Watson Report recommended more autonomy for the Gold Coast. In January 1949, the government appointed an all-African committee under the chairmanship of the 55-year-old Sir. Henley Coussey. The 38 members included chiefs and people from all parts of the country, among them all of the 'Big Six' except Nkrumah. The group represented all sections of public opinion except the most radical. In other words, they wanted to dialogue with the moderates and not the likes of Nkrumah, who had become more radical in his approach at this time. Things might have been different had they included Nkrumah in the Coussey Committee.

6. The October 1949 Coussey Report became the basis of the 1951 Constitution. While the Coussey Report was welcomed by more moderate public opinion, it was CRITICIZED by radicals, especially by the Accra Evening News (Kwame Nkrumah's paper). NKRUMAH WANTED FULL DOMINION (INDEPENDENCE), NOT SEMI-INDEPENDENCE, as some of the moderates (including those in the UGCC elites camp) wanted.

7. UGCC folks felt Nkrumah betrayed them (page 173) by using his general secretary position to build a personal following. In September 1954, a new National Liberation Movement (N.L.M.) emerged in Ashanti over cocoa prices afforded to farmers. There were a series of violent clashes between CCP and NLM members in 1954 and 1955. Many of the NLM leaders were ex-CPP members.

8. After the Togoland problem was settled via the plebiscite, the crucial general election required by Mr Lennox Boyd to ascertain whether the NKRUMAH INDEPENDENCE PROPOSALS were supported by a reasonable majority was announced for 12 and 17 July 1956. The election results were so significant that they satisfied the British Government to eventually grant independence to the new nation called Ghana.

9. The final draft of the 1957 constitution maintained a UNITARY STATE, although Nkrumah made some concessions to opposition demands (page 199). The new constitution was signed by HM Queen Elizabeth II on 2 February 1957.

10. Nkrumah is the founder of modern Ghana, although the name Ghana existed for several decades before going to Rev JM Anaman's days in the late 1890s. There was also even an opposition “Ghana Congress Party (GCP)”, which had been the leading opposition party under the 1951 constitution – this was the party of the UGCC, which represented the position of the Chiefs and other older intelligentsia. The records show that the opposition parties at the time wanted a semi-autonomous state and not the UNITARY REPUBLIC known as Ghana today. Yes, they played a role in fine-tuning the constitution and making other suggestions. However, the Ghana we know today would not have existed but for Nkrumah's constant agitation for full independence and a unitary state, not a federal one. We can argue the merits of unitary vs federal, but we must stay true to the historical records.

MAIN REFERENCE
---Bourret, F. M. (1962). Ghana: The road to independence, 1919-1957. London: Oxford University Press. pp 160-202

I've made Chapter 10 of the book available for download at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1rPohACSlUzPlkXhxCqcWVGcvE9OmAK7I/view?usp=sharing

Nkrumah forged this beautiful nation into what it is today. He didn’t just dream it. To begin, what became Ghana used to...
04/08/2024

Nkrumah forged this beautiful nation into what it is today. He didn’t just dream it. To begin, what became Ghana used to be 4 different territories under British colonial administration - the Gold Coast Colony, the Northern Territories, Ashanti and the UN Trusteeship.

Each of these territories could have become a different country with a different date of independence, if at all. It wasn’t until April 30, 1954, when Nkrumah was the Prime Minister, that Ghana, by law, took its current shape. His role in the 1956 plebiscite is considered a conclusive testament to this.

Against all odds, he implemented costly policies and programs which still hold us together today. Osagyefo put everything he had into the one Ghana project; and went on to start the United States of Africa project. In the process of both projects, he earned sworn enemies - mostly, proponents of ideas which, today, are generally accepted as substandard.

One of such proponents was Col Afrifa, who would, later, be a co-architect of the 1966 coup. This was Col Afrifa’s sentiment when Nkrumah sent the core of Ghana Army to the Congo to help liberate that country from the claws of King Leopold of Belgium. Afrifa would lament:

“By August 1960 all our forces and equipment were concentrated on the Congo to the detriment of our own country. I started to ask myself what had gone wrong. We had lost lives in a struggle which was not ours, in a cause that was not ours.”

Clearly, he didn’t see the struggle in the Congo as Ghana’s. Then, on his return from the Congo, and transporting his troops to the Tamale barracks (now named after Gen Barwah, a martyr of the 1996 coup), Col Afrifa would recount what went through his brain when his convoy passed in front of the Flagstaff House:

“On my arrival at the Accra Airport from the Congo in 1962, I was to lead the men to Tamale, our destination. I paused for a moment and reflected - should I throw this troop of three hundred men into Flagstaff House and stop the rot from continuing?”

For him, the African liberation movement, the United States of Africa project, pan-Africanism, and all that was a “rot” for which Nkrumah must be punished, personally. But this is exactly what distinguished Osagyefo from his opponents - he always saw the bigger picture. Far ahead.

Da yie.

04/08/2024

Have you sighted this document?”

We are still wondering when then did JB Danquah supposedly proposed the name Ghana for the Gold Coast at independence. Nkrumah Never dies!”

Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh
10/07/2024

Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh

KWAME NKRUMAH AND INDUSTRIALISATION---------------- Below is the status of government industrial projects commenced unde...
03/02/2024

KWAME NKRUMAH AND INDUSTRIALISATION
----------------
Below is the status of government industrial projects commenced under the first 5-Year Development Plan (1959-1963) as captured in Ghana's Second 7-Year Development Plan (1963-1970: pp. 118-120). The level of depth and thinking that went into many of these plans and ex*****on capacity fascinates me. However, some were destined to become 'white elephants' from the get-go, and others did so following Nkrumah's overthrow.

Nkrumah also had some of the best economic advisers, such as St. Lucian-born Nobel Laureate Sir Arthur Lewis (1915-1991). In 1952, Lewis was invited by Nkrumah on the latter winning the elections to write a report on industrialisation. This was when Lewis was working on his 1979 Nobel Prize-winning argument on ‘surplus labour’. As the government’s chief economic adviser, Lewis did not always agree with President Nkrumah's warning against some of these vanity projects.

Nevertheless, Nkrumah's depth of thinking and accomplishments make many of our recent leaders look like a joke.

Rest well Osagyefo… Footprints 👣
21/09/2023

Rest well Osagyefo… Footprints 👣

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