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05/06/2026

RNU Remembers

Óglach Ruairí Ó Brádaigh,

October 1932 – 5 June 2013

Ruairí was Chief of Staff of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) from 1958 to 1959 and again from 1960 to 1962

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, born Peter Roger Casement Brady, was born into a middle-class republican family in Longford that lived in a duplex home on Battery Road. His father, Matt Brady, was an IRA volunteer who was severely wounded during an attack with the Royal Irish Constabulary in 1919.

His mother, May Caffrey, was a Cumann na mBan volunteer and graduate of University College Dublin, class of 1922, with a degree in commerce.

His maternal grandmother was a French-speaking Swiss Lutheran.
His father died when he was ten, and was given a paramilitary funeral led by his former IRA colleagues.

His mother, prominent as the Secretary for the County Longford Board of Health, lived until 1974.

Ruairí was educated at Melview National School at primary level and attended secondary school at St. Mel's College, leaving in 1950.

In 1954, he graduated from University College Dublin with a commerce degree like his mother, and certification in the teaching of the Irish language. That year he took a job teaching Irish at Roscommon Vocational School in Roscommon.

He joined Sinn Féin in 1950. While at university and in 1951, he joined the Irish Republican Army

He opposed the decision of the IRA and Sinn Féin to drop abstentionism and to recognise the Westminster parliament in London, the Stormont parliament in Belfast and the Leinster House parliament.

Along with Seán Mac Stíofáin, he led the walkout from the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (party convention) after the majority voted to end the policy of abstentionism

After suffering a period of ill-health, Ruairi Ó Brádaigh died on 5 June 2013 at Roscommon County Hospital.

03/06/2026

RNU Remembers

On the 3rd June 1991
IRA Volunteers Peter Ryan Lawrence McNally and Anthony Doris were killed by the British Army in a "shoot to kill" undercover operation.

Shortly before 7.30am on 3 June 1991 three Volunteers of Tyrone Brigade who were on active service drove towards Coagh village from the direction of Moneymore.
In the commandeered red Vauxhall Cavalier they carried two weapons.
Their car had just crossed a small bridge leading into Coagh’s main street having passed a number of workmen.
As the car entered the edge of Hanover Square it passed a red Bedford lorry parked near the kerb.
This lorry had according to local people not been seen in the village before and appeared to have been part of the crown forces’ operation. Behind this lorry and in other hidden locations around Hanover Square, eight SAS gunmen lay in wait.
From eyewitness accounts it appears that all were armed with heavy calibre assault rifles and at least one was carrying a machine gun.
As the Volunteers’ car cleared the Bedford lorry it came under intense fire.
All three occupants appear to have been hit by this initial burst.
The vehicle went out of control veered across Hanover Square and crashed into a garden wall.
Without letting up their fire eight of the gunmen closed in on the stricken vehicle.

The SAS killers assumed positions in a semi-circle around the car and continued firing for up to ten minutes. The Cavalier, struck from all quarters, burst into flames, the blaze igniting a Volkswagon Golf parked at the scene of the crash.

At least 200 rounds hit the car; others tore around the windows of nearby buildings.

One of the SAS gunmen emerged from an alleyway between two houses, took up position less than ten yards from the front of the car, and fired round after round into the vehicle.

The three Volunteers who were brutally slain were Tony Doris from Coalisland, Pete Ryan from Ardboe, and Lawrence McNally from Ballinderry.

Less than an hour after the ambush ceased, stories of a ‘gun battle’ were being fed to a media only too willing to carry the official version of events without question.
At the same time, the RUC ‘unofficially’ give the names of the three dead men to journalists, a clear indication that the ambush had been very carefully prepared and that the three had been under surveillance and could easily have been arrested.

The main RUC line and the one which drew most media attention was the lie that the Volunteers were en route to shoot Protestant workmen when they were ambushed.

This was carried even though the media were aware that the Volunteers’ car had already driven past the workmen before the shooting began.

An IRA statement made clear that the Volunteers were on active service preparing to engage a military target.

The ex*****on of the triple killing and the firepower employed by the British death squad were designed to deliver two messages.

The first was that the shoot-to-kill policy sanctioned and overseen by the highest levels of the British administrations was still firmly in place.

The second was that those who dared to resist British rule would be met with the full force of a violent and well-armed state, prepared to use both official and unofficial death squads to silence and eliminate those who would not be cowed.
IRA Volunteers Pete Ryan Lawrence McNally and Tony Doris were fighting a war of liberation.
They knew it was likely that they would be killed in that war and their deaths were terrible casualties of it.

Their role had been clear, honest and honourable.
The British Government’s was the opposite.
Despite unnecessary delay and harassment by the RUC and the Free state forces

The three Volunteers were buried with military honours; thousands turned out to honour them
www.RNU.ie

03/06/2026

RNU is a socialist republican movement driving grassroots political change to achieve a united, democratic Irish republic for the people.

Well done Comrades 👏👏
27/05/2026

Well done Comrades 👏👏

24/05/2026

On this day in 1798, the Society of United Irishmen rose up against British rule in Ireland in pursuit of a new Irish Republic.
Those ideals, promoted by the United Irishmen, continue to stand at the heart of Irish Republicanism today.

21/05/2026

Statement from Republican Network for Unity

Commemorating Volunteers Raymond McCreesh and Patsy O’Hara, 45 years on

Forty-five years ago today, within hours of one another, two young men from this small island of ours drew their last breath inside the H-Blocks of Long Kesh. Raymond McCreesh of Camlough, County Armagh, and Patsy O’Hara of the Bogside in Derry. Both in their early twenties. Both starved to death for the principle that Republican political prisoners are not, and never were, criminals.

Today RNU stands with their families, their comrades, and true Republicans across Ireland in remembering them, not with cold ceremony and empty words, but with the inner warmth and strength that genuine sacrifice is still remembered by those of us who still try to walk in their shadow.

Raymond McCreesh was born on 25 February 1957, one of eight children in a devout Catholic family from the townland of Dorrans Rocks, just outside Camlough in South Armagh. By all accounts a quiet, family-oriented young man, one of his brothers, Brian, was ordained a priest. Raymond came of age in a community living under daily British military and RUC harassment, under the shadow of internment, and the open unhealed wound of Bloody Sunday. He joined Na Fianna Éireann at 16 years of age and shortly afterwards took the oath of the Irish Republican Army. He was arrested in June 1976 near Belleek, charged with possession of a rifle and attempted murder of British soldiers, and in March 1977 sentenced to fourteen years. He entered the H-Blocks with his head high and went straight onto the blanket protest. He refused, from the day the cell door closed behind him, to wear the uniform of a criminal because he was not one. He embarked on hunger strike on 22 March 1981 and died on 21 May, after 61 days without food. Like his compatriot martyrs, he asked for nothing more than to be recognised for what he was, a political soldier of the Irish Republican cause.

Patsy O’Hara was born on 11 July 1957 in Bishop Street, Derry, a few hundred yards from where, fifteen years later, the cowardly Paras would open fire on his civilian neighbours. He was a child of the Bogside, and the Bogside shaped him early. He was just 14 years old when he was shot and wounded by a British soldier during disturbances after internment was enacted. By his teens he was active in republican politics, joining Official Sinn Féin, then moved with many others to the Irish Republican Socialist Party when it was founded in 1974, taking up arms with the Irish National Liberation Army. He was interned, harassed, imprisoned in the Free State by British lackeys, and finally sentenced in the six counties in January 1980 for possession of a hand gr***de. Like Raymond, he refused the criminal label from the first day he was imprisoned. He became O/C of the INLA prisoners in the H-Blocks. He began his fast on the same day as Raymond, 22 March 1981, and he died on the same day too, bonded in spirit to his comrade right to the end, passing only hours after Raymond. His last words to his father are remembered still: “Let the fight go on.”

Five demands. That was all. The right not to wear a prison uniform. The right not to do prison work. The right of free association. The right to educational and recreational facilities. The right to one visit, one letter, one parcel a week. Reasonable things, human things, withheld out of pure political malice and cruelty by a British Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher that had calculated, wrongly, that young Irishmen and women would break before she would.

They did not break. We will not break. Ten of our bravest died on Hunger strike. Raymond and Patsy among them. We do not romanticise their deaths. There is nothing romantic about a young man wasting away in a prison cell and on a prison bed while his mother sits beside him counting his last breaths. What we honour is their sacrifice, the conscious, sober, repeated choice to refuse the criminalisation not just of themselves, but of the cause they served and the communities they came from.

That just cause is not yet attained. Partition still remains. The British state still claims jurisdiction over six of our counties. The conditions that lit a fire within Raymond and Patsy, occupation, repression, sectarian policing, economic neglect have not gone away, however much the betrayers of Republicanism and their masters in Westminster might pretend otherwise.

To the McCreesh family in Armagh, and to the O’Hara family in Derry, RNU sends its deepest respect and solidarity. Forty-five years on, neither man is forgotten, and never will be.

Beirimid cuimhne orthu. Tiocfaidh ár lá.

Republican Network for Unity
21 May 2026

18/05/2026

Many former Republican political prisoners and their families feel that the peace process created false promises of equality and inclusion that were never fully delivered for them after their release from years of internment or because they didn’t agree with the status quo. While the conflict or being a voice for prisoners and ex prisoners may have ended for some, the legacy of imprisonment, loss, and political identity still affects daily life for many people in Republican communities across Ireland today.

For ex-prisoners, the struggle did not simply end at release. Many returned home carrying the weight of long prison sentences, trauma, and social stigma. Families who supported loved ones through prison visits, court cases, and years of uncertainty often feel their sacrifices have been forgotten. In some cases, former prisoners continue to face barriers to employment, travel, housing, and public participation because of convictions linked to the conflict.

There is also a growing concern among many Republicans today that current political prisoners are experiencing unequal treatment inside the prison system because of their political beliefs. Concerns are often raised about prisoners’ human rights, access to proper conditions, dignity, family contact, and fair treatment being neglected or dismissed. Families feel isolated and judged simply because of the political identity associated with their loved ones.

For many relatives, the punishment does not end at the prison gates. Partners, parents, children, and siblings can face emotional pressure, financial hardship, and social stigma while trying to support political prisoners who are family members. Some feel they are treated differently in society because of the beliefs connected to the prisoner, leaving them excluded from wider conversations about rights, reconciliation, and equality.

The highlighting these issues is about recognising humanity, dignity, and the lasting impact that captivity has on families and communities. Many believe that if society truly supports human rights and equality, those principles must apply to everyone equally, regardless of political opinion or background.

Inevitably conflict will persist if some voices and experiences are ignored. There is no two tier system when it comes to Irish Republican Political Prisoners, societal circumstances are perhaps different but the perennial occupation of Ireland by Britain continues and as such the legacy of armed struggle and consequentially the legacy of political prisoners and prison struggles for political status remain a reality and those released will fall into the category of ex prisoner.

There needs to be honesty , respect, and equal human rights for all people and families affected by conflict and imprisonment that cannot be decided by the ones who rule over us and continue to inflict harm and prejudice upon a continually marginalised group of former Irish Republican Political Prisoners within our community.

17/05/2026

Cógus welcomes the final lifting of the punitive licence restrictions imposed upon Paul Crawford following the conclusion of a protracted legal and political ordeal that stretched for almost a decade.

From the outset, this case represented a deeply troubling example of the expansive and coercive powers exercised by the British state in the occupied Six Counties against Irish republicans.

In October 2015, Paul Crawford and his co-accused were arrested and subsequently prosecuted in connection with allegations of membership of Óglaigh na hÉireann. The Crown case, as advanced before the courts, centred substantially on covert surveillance operations, recordings, intelligence-led policing, and interpretations of alleged associations and conversations said to support claims of organisational membership.

As Paul himself has stated:

“Arrested in October 2015, I was charged with membership of Óglaigh na hÉireann and sent to Maghaberry. After a period in custody, I was released on bail under strict and often intrusive conditions that remained in place for years. In 2023, I was sentenced.

Under current legislation, Republican prisoners are required to serve a minimum of two-thirds of their sentence before being considered for release. Even then, release is not guaranteed, it is subject to the decision of a Multi-Agency Risk Assessment (MARA) panel. In addition, all Republican prisoners are placed on a 12-month custodial licence, during which they can be returned to prison at the discretion of that same panel.

Last night, my own MARA licence finally came to an end. Today, I was reunited with my comrades and my co-accused, who was a rock throughout. I want to thank my family and my comrades for standing by me throughout this long journey.

The years spent on bail, under constant scrutiny, took their toll. The repeated early morning visits from the PSNI’s Tactical Support Group, sometimes once or twice a week placed a heavy strain on family life and those closest to me.

I also want to acknowledge and thank those I shared imprisonment with. Their camaraderie and support during that time will not be forgotten.”

Whatever one’s view of the political context, it is a matter of public record that those involved in this case spent years under severe bail restrictions before final sentencing, living under extraordinary scrutiny, repeated state intrusion, and conditions that imposed significant burdens not only on them, but on their families and wider circles.

The use of prolonged restrictive bail, intrusive policing operations, and post-custodial control mechanisms such as MARA licensing raises serious questions about proportionality, due process, and the continued use of punitive security frameworks in the Six Counties.

For Irish republicans, this was never merely about individuals before a Crown court. It was about the continued operation of a British security architecture designed to contain, monitor, and politically suppress republican dissent under the language of counter-terrorism.

That such measures can continue long after imprisonment, with liberty contingent not upon completion of sentence alone but upon the determinations of Crown administrative mechanisms, should concern all who value civil liberties and freedom.

We also note, with profound disappointment, the silence and inaction of the Dublin establishment. Once again, the administration of the Free State has shown little appetite to challenge the treatment of Irish citizens subjected to extraordinary coercive measures by British authorities.

Those who claim to represent the republican interest too often remain passive observers where principle demands intervention.

Cogús acknowledges the resilience shown by Paul Crawford, his family, his comrades, and those who stood by him throughout this long ordeal.

Whilst the constitutional status of our island remains unresolved, so too does the wider injustice of occupation itself.

Ends

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Newry

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