Igbo Presidency Project

Igbo Presidency Project Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) advocates for equity, inclusion, and national unity through the emergence of an Igbo President in Nigeria.

Promoting fairness, representation, and a stronger nation.

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15/05/2026

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A major political development has emerged ahead of the 2027 electoral season as a frontline senatorial aspirant, Hon. Prince Chinedu Nsofor (Kpakpando Ndigbo) received the blessings of former Bayelsa State Governor and National Leader of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Senator Seriake Dickson...

22/04/2026

2027: Group canvases support for Igbo president

IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT:(WHERE WE ARE COMING FROM, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE ARE GOING TO) Since the formation of polit...
21/04/2026

IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT:(WHERE WE ARE COMING FROM, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE ARE GOING TO)

Since the formation of political parties in Nigeria in early forties, the igbos have been very active, particularly in respect of the struggle for self- government and eventual independence. Inso doing, they looked at Nigeria as one unit, hence they were very accommodating to all Nigerians, irrespective of tribe, religion and ethnicity.

During Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe's leadership tenure of then national council of Nigeria and the Cameroon which later became the National Council of Nigeria citizens towards Nigeria's Independence ( when southern cameroon joined Nothern Cameroon) all tribal groups in the N.C.N.C were equitably represented. The party under his leadership had from the North, people like Alhaji Zaria Buka Dipcharima and his colleagues while Chief Olu Akinfosile, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, T.O.S Benson( to mention a few)we're from Western Nigeria. Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya from Lagos was also a top leader. It had top leaders from all over then Eastern Nigeria. This geographical spread demonstrated the igbos belief in one indivisible Nigeria.

It is on record that this leadership accepted all Nigerians as brothers. It will be recalled that the first leader of Government Business in the then Eastern Nigeria in the early fifties was Professor Eyo Ita, an Efik or Ibibio man. Also the first and only Mayor of Enugu was Alhaji Umaru Altine- an indigene of Katsina. Dr. Balogun, a Yoruba indigene, was the Deputy Mayor of Port Harcourt in Eastern Nigeria. There are many more of this demonstration of oneness on the part of the Igbo-controlled political institution in Nigeria. But sometime in 1951 or thereabout, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and the N.C.N.C. won elections to the Western House of Assembly, which would have made him the Leader of Government Business in Western Nigeria. What happened? Tribalism came into play, and he was denied his victory by his two prominent party members at the eleventh hour, who switched their votes to Chief Obafemi Awolowo, their fellow Yoruba. The two N.C.N.C. members who betrayed Zik and voted for the would-be opposition leader, who now emerged as the Leader of Government Business, were the first and only mayor of Lagos, Dr. Olorunimbe and Prince Adesola Adedoyin.

In 1957, the British government offered self-government status to the three regions, if two out of the three accepted self-government which would lead to independence. Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Western Nigeria opted for it; the Sardauna declared that the North was not yet ripe for self-government. The balance of scale rested with Dr. Azikiwe, the sole leader whose decision would make or mar the offer.

This offer stemmed from the political progress mounted by the Igbos in Eastern and Western Nigeria. The late leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, in keeping with the Igbo belief and principle of one Nigeria, rejected the offer. His reason being that the North should not be left behind. But buttressing his argument, he stated that if one of a fleet of ships was left behind in a voyage, it would be vulnerable to attack by pirates, therefore the rest would wait.

Again, in 1959 after general elections leading to independence, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, seeing that his party, the Action Group, if joined with Dr. Azikiwe’s N.C.N.C., would secure a parliamentary majority in the National Assembly, sought coalition with Azikiwe’s N.C.N.C. offering him (Azikiwe) the post of Prime Minister, while he (Awolowo) would be Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. This was during the parliamentary system.

Dr. Azikiwe again rejected the offer, stating that if two Southern political parties joined together against a Northern one, it would create a political crisis of great dimension. Instead, he accepted the coalition offer from the N.P.C. Party, the Sardauna’s, which secured majority votes in the North to balance the North and South participation in the Federal Government. Dr. Azikiwe then accepted the post of Senate President and later the post of Governor-General of Nigeria when the British occupant of the post, Sir James Robertson, left.

In reply to an unwarranted attack on Dr. Azikiwe as Governor-General by one Alhaji Galadima Pategi— then N.P.C. general secretary and minister in the Northern Nigeria government — Dr. Azikiwe stated that he accepted the position of a “prisoner in a gilded cage” in order that the ship of state sailed smoothly, in preference to the powerful Prime Minister position that would have created misgivings from the North. On behalf of the erring minister, the then Premier ahmadu Bello, the Sardaunna of Sokoto apologized to Dr Azikiwe, acknowledging his leadership sacrifices for one Nigeria. These are few amongst the countless sacrifices the Igbo made in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.

WHERE WE ARE
Having made these sacrifices, what has the Igbo been rewarded with? Starting from the end of the civil war, the Igbo people have not only been marginalized but have always been treated below the status of second class citizens in a country they contributed a lot to build. Let it be known that apart from Nigeria, there is no other country the Igbos live as citizens of such country. Any Igbo in any part of the world migrated from Nigeria to that part of the world. This is not the case with other major tribes where their tribes in Nigeria where their tribes constitute origins of the countries they live in. In Benin Republic, Cameroon, Guinea, Bukina-faso and even Ghana, one finds these Nigerian tribes as bonafide citizens of these countries. The Igbos can only be found as citizens in Nigeria and no where else.

After the civil War, the Igbos who had accounts in the banks, and who operated them in the then Biafran enclave, were given a paltry twenty pounds sterling even though many had millions in their accounts. This was followed by declaring their landed properties, including buildings as "abandoned properties" all over Nigeria. In Rivers State in particular, the federal government not only set up the so-called Abandoned properties Authority that collected the state government-stipulated monthly ₦1.50(one naira fifty Kobo) rent per room, which was not paid to the owners of such houses, the federal government went further by authorizing the selling, by the Abandoned Properties Authority, of such houses at government stipulated undervalued prices, but went further to state that only buyers who were origins of Rivers State would be allowed to buy them.

In other parts like Lagos, West and the North, money was paid to the Igbo owners as rent collected and the properties given back to their owners.

There was a case where the government of Lagos State ejected the owner of the property at Vilaska in Ikoyi area of the State. The man's belongings were thrown out and the owner sat by the side of his household belongings.
This man approached a high court in Lagos for redress. Fortunately for the plaintiff, the judiciary then was alive to it's responsibilities, unlike now. The court ruled in favour of the plaintiff-and he regained his property. The plaintiff was Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the defendant was the Lagos State government of Commodore Mudasiru Lawal. During the 1979 elections, NPP led by Nnamdi Azikiwe went into coalition with shagari's NPN to form the federal government. When Shagari felt he had stood, he unilaterally terminated the coalition agreement. It is on record that both the UPN and the NPN approached NPP for a coalition, leading to Zika describing the NPP as a "beautiful bride" Sought for by many suitors. While terminating the accord, Shagari described the NPP as a "baren bride " to which Dr. Azikiwe responded by describing the NPN leadership as a groom that could not perform. This was the end of that accord.

Immediately after the second second tenure swearing in of Shehu Shagari in 1983, a coup by Buhari and his group of Northern officers took over power. This was meant to thwart Dr. Ekwueme from taking over from Shagari after his second tenure. In his median broadcast Buhari stated that Nigerian government hospitals were mere consulting clinics. Yet both in his twenty months military regime and the recently concluded eight years of disastrous Presidential leadership, the hospitals became worse. A situation where two Nigerian former heads of State were admitted at the same period in a hospital outside Nigeria is a price to pay for crucifying merit on the alter of mediocrity/hypocrisy and incompetence.

When Babangida sent Buhari away through the process by which he (Buhari) took power, he (Babangida) appointed Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe(an Igbo man) as his deputy with the designation of Chief of General Staff. There were behind the scene activities to remove him. Notwithstanding the fact that he was next to General Babangida in the order of protocol, these behind the scene wire pullers ignored protocol order and procedures and usurped Commodore Ukiwe's position. The climax came when one of the cabals went and occupied an accommodation reserved for Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe in Abuja during the yearly national day celebration. The end of this intrigue was his removal as Chief of general staff and retirement from the Navy.

Igbo traders in Lagos are always relocated to interior places in Lagos and when such places became developed, the Lagos State government offered one excuse to dispossess them of the place and relocate them to another interior place and this has become a norm. Sometimes ago, in Kwara State, the Igbo traders had an arrangement with the Kwara State government agency responsible for tax collection. The accord had been going on for years. All of a sudden the Kwara State government unilaterally increased the individual traders tax beyond what they could afford.
There was an uproar. The Igbos were not the only traders in the market. So why were they singled out for increased taxation?
The creation of states since the overthrow of General Ironsi has been the exclusive preserve of Northern Nigerian military heads of state, starting from General Gowon to Babangida and Abacha. It is on record that apart from the South-East zone, which has only five states, the remaining five zones have six states each, with the North-West having seven, apart from the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, which enjoys the status of a state.
The leader of MACBAN, Bello, is always in the news threatening. On one occasion, he was arrested and later released, while his herdsmen continued with their mission of killing, ra**ng, and morally dispossessing people.
Since Igboho is back and free, the Nigerian courts and the ECOWAS Court have declared Nnamdi Kanu’s detention unlawful and ordered his release. Yet, the democratic and law-abiding government of Nigeria is still holding him. He is an Igbo.
Government agencies keep jumping from branch to branch in a forest of confused prosecution and persecution to justify his detention.
Sheikh Gumi, the self-appointed federal government ambassador to the territories and caves, gathers information from terrorists, gives it to the federal government, and vice versa. Gumi even sought federal government approval to build an institution in the bush to train terrorists.
A governor from the West sent a terrorist commander, his ADC, unarmed, to negotiate directly with a terrorist leader. If an Igbo man or people of Igbo extraction were doing what these people are doing, the entire armed forces would have been unleashed on them — “a dot in a circle.”
(Apologies to Buhari.)
A notorious kidnapping kingpin was arrested after years of terror. The police officers who caught him were killed on their way back. Wadume was said to have been taken away by a Nigerian Army captain who killed the policemen, after which Wadume fled. Nothing has been heard since then.
If this happened during Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, who is the captain?
A terrorist negotiator was arraigned for trial for over a year, yet nothing has been done. The question is: if these were Igbos, would they have been left free to move from territory to camp, mingling at will, without being given “the treatment” — a dot in a circle?
These Igbos are considered unfit to be Chief Justice of Nigeria, Inspector-General of Police, or Chief of Army Staff. Even when an Igbo is next in line to succeed an incumbent, the incumbent’s tenure is extended so that the Igbo person retires before the time.
The recent scenario concerning the Comptroller-General of Customs is a clear case of marginalization and nepotism against the Igbos in Nigeria and its MDAs..

An Igbo lady appointed to head the Climate Change Agency has not spent up to one year in that office before she was replaced by another woman of Yoruba extraction. This action negates the Federal Character principle, the “no victor, no vanquished” declaration, and the policy of rehabilitation, reconstruction, and reconciliation. Though tribes and tongues may differ, in brotherhood we stand — lyrics as contained in the old and newly reconstructed National Anthem. This is most unfortunate.
These same rejected Igbos have continued to prove their mettle in every endeavour they engage in — commerce, industry, and manufacturing. A foreign head of state once introduced Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala to a Nigerian head of state. We all know her capacity. She contributed immensely to Nigeria’s debt forgiveness, among other roles.
The fastest computer in the world was invented by an Anambra-born Philip Emeagwali. Dr. Ezekiel Izuogu started the production of Completely Knocked Down (CKD) parts of motor vehicles. Had this been encouraged, it would have been the first indigenous vehicle manufactured in Nigeria. Innoson Motors has competed favourably in manufacturing, but have the federal and state governments patronized him? If so, to what extent, considering that he is an Igbo man?
There was a time when two Igbo students in a tertiary institution produced a rocket that flew beyond expectations. Were they encouraged? What about the one who produced a helicopter prototype that successfully flew? Another Igbo child produced a radio broadcasting station known as NBC Radio Station. Yet another produced a small prototype of a tipping truck. These inventors were not encouraged; hence their innovations were lost or abandoned. If they belonged to another extraction, the story would have been different.
Nigeria talks about consuming what is made in Nigeria. China, under Mao Zedong, adopted a policy of producing what the Chinese consumed and consuming what China produced. This policy, coupled with teaching people how to fish rather than giving them fish, contrasts sharply with Nigeria’s charity-driven dependence on imports.
Those who are of Igbo extraction are not — and have never been — encouraged because they do not “belong.” Unfortunately, many Igbos do not realize this attitude toward them. Where we want to be and should be, one must assert themselves before someone else dictates where you belong.
This marginalization and negligence of Igbo potential can only be corrected through collective and deliberate efforts of all Igbos, particularly in politics. In this regard, efforts should be directed toward aligning with other groups to form a strong political party that will not only rescue Nigeria from its unfortunate and degrading status as a “capital of poverty” but also restore the dignity of this “clay-footed giant of Africa.” The potential and capacity to achieve this are present, but deliberate refusal to tap into this abundance — potentially a result of ignorance-born hatred — has hindered greatness.
As long as the politics of “we” versus the Igbos continue, progress will be one step forward and twenty steps backward. The victims of this retrogressive policy must unite and collaborate with like-minded individuals from the North, West, and South, while cooperating with the East, to change this self-inflicting trend.
It is on record that the Igbos have not been allowed to occupy the topmost political leadership positions of the country, despite their sacrifices during and after the colonial era. The Igbos are not lacking in capable, effective, and productive personnel to occupy these positions.
For the first time in the East of Nigeria, a Nigerian ruled a state for eight years and ended his tenure owing no civil servants, pensions, contractors, or any financial obligations. He cleared all government liabilities and, in addition, left a credit balance of $150 million and about 75 billion Naira, even while the federal government was issuing loans to state governments. His state government did not take any federal loans.
This state is not among the top revenue-generating states, yet it achieved feats that no president, governor, or local government chairman in Nigeria has ever done to date. This political guru and exceptional administrator is Peter Obi. If he could achieve this in Anambra, not known to be among the top revenue states, it is a clear indicator of what he is capable of doing if elected President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Peter Obi is naturally equipped to transform Nigeria from a consumer country to a producer country. There is no doubt that he will succeed in this regard.
Therefore, we appeal to all Nigerians, irrespective of tribe, religion, party affiliation, or ethnic group, who are interested in ending the suffering in Nigeria and uplifting the country to a respectable position. Mr. Peter Obi, in his quest to make Nigeria great, presents an opportunity we cannot afford to miss.
Peter Obi is Nigeria’s Liu Kuo-shiung, our own South Korean general; Sechin, our own Frederick Douglass Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy of the United States; and finally, our comrade Adedol of January Mounsuni of China. These men have one thing in common: they rescued their countries and their people when circumstances were tough and hopeless. We must give capable men like Peter Obi a chance.
Moreover, no one from the Igbo ethnic group has been allowed to occupy this post since the inception of the current dispensation. Once again, this appeal is directed to all Nigerians interested in positioning Nigeria appropriately in the community of nations. This leadership post has been vacant due to decades of mismanagement.
This appeal is directed to Nigerians who:
Do not support continued borrowing that mortgages the future of our children, including generations yet unborn;
Do not want Nigerians to remain the world’s poverty capital;
Do not condone the production of large numbers of out-of-school children;
Do not endorse the enthronement of corruption and mediocrity;
Do not wish to elevate leaders who take more than they give, rather than offering solutions to improve Nigeria.
This appeal is for the majority who have been deprived, trampled upon, suppressed, dehumanized, and left to suffer amidst poverty. These six or seven largest oil-producing nations where fuel costs more than a teaspoon highlight the injustice in a nine-pound-producing country like Nigeria.

SIGNED

HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION

Demand for Igbo President: Call for justice, national stability – IPP Coordinator, Nsofor
20/04/2026

Demand for Igbo President: Call for justice, national stability – IPP Coordinator, Nsofor

  By Johnkennedy Uzoma, Owerri The National Coordinator Igbo Presidency Project (IPP), Hon. Chinedu Nsofor has described the demand for an Igbo President as not a plea for favour, but a legiti…

NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representat...
20/04/2026

NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria

1. Introduction & Rationale

The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.

Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.

The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.

This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.

2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?

The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.

Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.

Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:

In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.

In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.

These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.

The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.

3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion

Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.

After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.

Other patterns of exclusion include:

Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states

Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones

Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens

Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices

These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.

4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People

The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.

From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.

One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.

Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”

Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.

Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.

In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.

Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.

The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.

Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria

5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency

Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.

The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.

A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.

Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.

Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.

Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented ex*****on outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.

Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.

The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.

Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.

Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.

The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.

It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora

Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.

Notable examples include:

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership

Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing

Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions

The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.

7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP

Vision

A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.

Mission

To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.

Core Values

Peaceful Advocacy

Civic Empowerment

Equity and Fairness

Inclusivity

Democratic Participation

8. Strategic Objectives

Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.

Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.

Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.

Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.

Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.

Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.

9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes

To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:

A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)

A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.

B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)

A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.

C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme

Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.

D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)

To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.

E. Research & Policy Development Wing

A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.

F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project

This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.

10. Organisation & Structure of IPP

The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:

The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.

Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.

National Executive Committee – National leadership team.

International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.

Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.

Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.

Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.

11. Call to Action

This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.

By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.

Our Tomorrow Starts Today!

SIGNED

HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026

Congratulations Mr. Peter Obi

From Stanley Uzoaru, Owerri The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) was officially unveiled in Owerri, Imo State, yesterday. The initiative, spearheaded by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation, seeks to promote, peacefully and constitutionally, the election of a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction. Spea...

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